The study of the political participation of Salvadorian population "DESIGN OF RESEARCH”

Introduction

            I am really concerned about the political process in El Salvador, my home country. Thus,  this paper proposes the study of the political participation of Salvadorian population base in three school thought: Social psychological, structural, and political alienation. These explanations allow us analyzed how social groups such as women, youth, low income families, and disable people are disenfranchisement in the political process

            The end of the armed conflict in El Salvador left a legacy of  uncertain population about the credibility of the electoral process in the new democratic State. examine the level of political participation of Salvadorian population after the peace accord in 1992 its necessary to identified the major reasons why some population groups do not participate actively in electoral process. The political alienation explanations focus in alienated individuals who do care, but feel estranged or disaffected from the electoral process is a good predictor to analyze the electoral process after the conflict armed.

Abstract

            After the peace accords were signed in 1992 in Chapultepec the political process in El Salvador became democratic. Forth national elections have been runner so that the level of political participation of Salvadorian population have changed after the armed conflict. Thus, this paper explain some scholars though that analyzes political empowerment and participation of individuals in a democratic context. Particularly, explanations about why some social groups such as women and low income family have more disadvantage to participate in political process. The first explanation it is a matter of class and socialization, called Social psychological explanation. The second one, is the Structural explanation which argue that does exist structural and mechanical obstacles in the democratic process that reduce participation. Finally, the third one argue that through the Political alienation of individuals political participation decrease thus people do care about the political process but do not participate because it does not address their interest.

            The definition of political participation according to Eva Anduiza and Augustine Bosch (2004) is "any citizen action aimed to influence the political process and its outcomes through electoral participation and not electoral participation." However, this paper analyze it focus in electoral political participation that distinguish the contribution in reference to the electoral process like voting, making campaign and proselytism versus other actions which are inserted in formal institutions which are out of the electoral frame. (Anduiza& Bosch, 2004)

Literature Review

            El Salvador lived an armed conflict in the 80's that ended up with the signed of the Chapultepec Peace accords.  After twenty-two years the political participation process has been improving, but still pose more disadvantage to minorities. Scholars though have offered some theories to account what affect political empowerment and participation particularly in specific disadvantage groups such as women and low income groups.  There are three basic explanations that have a significant analyze why some groups do not participate in politic process. First, Social psychological explanation which argue that political participation is the result of a culture of class and socialization. For example people learn political behavior in their occupational context and organizational involvement. Second, The Structural explanation state that structural and mechanical obstacles reduce participation, for example some voter registration laws, registration problems,  so on. Third, the Political alienation  people who do care about the political process but do not vote because it does not address their interest or needs and so participation has not meaning for them (Glasberg & Shannon 2011, 97 ) Thus, these three explanations can explain whether the political participation has recovered or not since the 1992 peace accords as well as how disadvantage groups such as rural area families, low income population and women have involved in conventional political participation.

            The conflict armed in El Salvador left a legacy of violence and poverty that affected political participation of minorities. The Social Psychological Explanation argue that socialization is a pattern of participation. This argument explains political participation as the result of culture of class and of socialization. In fact family, church, school, work are some of the socialization's institution that encourage interest of political participation or does not. For example, jobs, higher income occupations, organizational involvement and access to education provide people skills and values of political activity. Thus, those who live in this social context are more likely to evaluate the costs and benefits of participating in politic. (Glasberg & Shannon 2011, 99) Therefore, people of low income, bad jobs and lack of education are more likely to do not have an active politic participation.

            The extent to which citizens participate in politics and the ways in which they do so are influenced significantly by their social circumstances, these include how individuals live, the kinds of neighborhoods they live in, how much and what kind of education they have, the kinds of work they do and how much they earn, and the opportunities they have improving their lives. Social circumstances affect the level of resources available for political participation and serve to foster or inhibit development of the attitudes and beliefs that underline various types of political participation. Within the indicators of social circumstances include such characteristics as age, race, education, sex, region and or place of residence, marital status, and social class. Also life experiences can be determined by social circumstances, also influence citizens patterns of political behavior. For example individuals who have suffered economic deprivation are likely to value economic security more than those who have never known economic deprivation. Life experiences and the resultant evaluations of the past and expectations about the future, vary according to such factors as social class, race, gender, ethnicity, education, even profession. (Conway 1985, 15)

            In fact the structural explanations argues the necessity of enforcing democracy implementing  structural conventional, and political participation such as voter registration laws, legitimate participation activities. After the brutal conflict armed the focused upon in political populism of participation implementing populist strategist to increase political participation. instead of focus in the rehabilitation of the Salvadorian society. Those kinds of structural actions and participation process become obstacles for some population. Indeed, women, low income families, youth and disable are the population groups more affected. For instance, people from rural areas who gains the minimum salary of $3.50 per day; those work just to put a roof over their families head, and food on the table salary thus they are not as concern about politic participation as people with higher economic incomes. Is more problematic to pay and to get  registration ID for  lower income population, because they struggle with money, resources or time  in order to be involved in political process.

            Therefore, the legal structure plays an important role in the political participation. The ways in which the rules are determinate for the suitability to vote and the laws and measures governing the behavior of elections affect electoral participation and also the effects of factors as: practices, governmental structure, and regulatory procedures. (Conway 1985, 88) The forms and patterns of political participation can be meaningfully influenced by the organization of the government and by the laws and regulations ratified by this one, which are related with: the struggle for the right to vote, including in this part the women’s suffrage, minority suffrage, the registration and election process, and the opportunities that can be affected by laws for other forms of participation (it can affect to people who vote and people who is direct involved or runs for office).

            Finally the third school of thought that analyze political alienation  explore the role of individuals who do care about the political participation but are apathetic about the process, voter does not address their interest and so it has no meaning for them. Those who are political alienated consider political leaders as part of the elite who does care about it narrow interest as class. (Glasberg & Shannon 2011, 102.)

A good party system requires some basic values; otherwise conflict can occurs primarily over the distribution of values in the society and not over the values themselves. Nevertheless, if a society has a party system does not adequately reflect all points of view, people who do not perceive their interests to be represented may decide that they have no effective means of participating and simply not engage in any political activities. (Conway 1985, 87)

Ex-combatants, educate people, and mid-class are some of the more representative alienated population groups who do care about politic but are not agree with the political process in El Salvador. These population have a legacy of struggle politic but their do not have confidence to the currently political process thus they do not participate in it.

The model

            According to the literature review I identified possible key factors that allow understand the obstacles settled to guaranty political participation for minority groups in El Salvador after the conflict armed ended up in 1992 Three explanations: Social psychological, structural, and political alienation explanation allow us analyzed how social groups such as women, youth, low income families, and disable people are disenfranchisement for their social and economic condition. I firmly believe that the political alienation explanations focus is a good predictor to analyze currently political participation in El Salvador in order to understand the electoral process after the peace accords. Understanding alienated individuals as those who do care but feel estranged or disaffected from the electoral process, because their confidence in the meaningfulness of participation in the electoral process is week.

Level of political alienation   ---------------------------- Proportion of individual who participate  in electoral process

Hypothesis

Hi: The higher the amount of people who feel no meaningful to participate in electoral process the higher will be the proportion of political alienated individuals.

Ho: The lower the amount of people who feel meaningful to participate in electoral process the lower will be the proportion of political alienated individuals.

The best way to collect data would be through a survey in order to ask if people do care about electoral process to know their level of political alienation.  

References

Conway, M. Margaret. (1985.) “Political Participation in the United States”. A division of congressional Quarterly Inc. Washington D.C.

Roman Azahalea (2007) "Movimiento Social y Estado." Alternativas para El Desarrollo FUNDE. San Salvador.

Glasberg & Shanon (2011) "Political Sociology: Oppression, resistance and the State.". University of Connecticut. United State.

Tilly, C. (2004). Social Movements: 1768–2004. Boulder, Colorado, USA: Paradigm Publishers.

Almeida D. Paul. (2008) Waves of Protest: Popular Struggle in El Salvador: 1925-2005. University of Minnesota. Minneapolis United State.

Banglione A Lisa. (2012) "Writing a Research Paper in Political Science." Saint Joseph's University. United States.

Anduiza Eva (2004) "Political and Electoral Behaviour." University of Barcelona. Spain

Transition of Salvadorian Women Movement

           

                   I. Abstract

               El Salvador is a country with a nameless women struggle for reaching legitimate women rights and participation. Thus, this presentation looks for classify the struggle process of Salvadorian women’s movement, consequently identifying its principal’s characteristics in the second half of XX century.  In addition, this paper proposes a categorization of three periods. The first one is a large phase from 1950 to 1980 which represent the foundation of the women social movement.  The second period is positioned during the armed conflict among the military force and Salvadorian guerrilla from 1980 to 1992 in which the women social movement loses strength. Finally, the third period located during the 90's at the end of the armed conflict when the war left a legacy of guerrilla’s women who eventually become part of a new generation of feminists, settling in the world of non government organizations. As a result, strategies and goals from the rising women generation change toward a new perspective of feminist movement.

Key Words: social movement, women movement, and feminist movement.

    IV. Background

            El Salvador is a country with a no recognize women's struggle during the eighteen and nineteen century. History do not identified emancipator women actions during this period in which national politics were determinate by the military force, religion, and patriarchal though. Therefore, there is not enough collected information and academic research about it. 

            In the twenty century emerged the first recognized individual and collective actions lead by Salvadorian women that had the goal of legitimate their rights and participation. For example: There were some strikes and protest taken place in the first half of twenty century such as The protest occurred in 1921 leaded by women sellers of San Salvador markets (mercados), The pacific protest of six thousand women dress up with black color in 1922 which was strongly suppressed on San Salvador streets and ended up in a slaughter (Herrera, Morena 2010.)

            The firsts recognized women organizations in El Salvador are "Asociacion de Mujeres Democratas" (Democrats Women Association) created in 1945 and became visible until 1947, and "La Liga de Mujeres" (The Women's League) founded in 1946, both demanded the right of women to become in citizens and get the right to vote. As soon as the constitutional assembly granted to Salvadorian women the right of suffrage in 1948   El Salvador turn out to be the first Central America State to establish in theory the right of vote for women. However, it was until 1950 that this law was endorsed and started to run. (Herrera, Morena 2010).

            III. Conceptualizing Social Movement in El Salvador

            The structural organization, collective claims, political actions, and public representation make  women movement one of the most representative and successful social movement around the world since the nineteen century. Western Europe and The United State have their own women liberation history which recognize three stages identified as three waves of feminism. However, El Salvador has its own chronological rhythm and traits in the women and feminist movement.

            Tilly argues that "social movements combine sustained, organized public effort making collective claims on target audiences, employment of combinations from among the following forms of political action: creation of special purpose associations and coalitions, public meetings, solemn processions, vigils, rallies, demonstrations, petition drives, statements to and in public media, and pamphleteering; and participants' concerted public representations of worthiness, unity, numbers and commitment WUNC" (Tilly, C : 2004). At the beginning of the twenty century women actions for accomplish political rights in El Salvador did not present those characteristics. For example instead of collective actions they developed individual procedures with no collective claims. To illustrate I can mentioned the recognized action of Prudencia Ayala in 1930,  when she decided launch her nomination as a presidential candidate. She required registration as a citizen at The San Salvador Major in order to get the right to vote. However, her nomination was pursue with the argument that "citizen" was a statement referred to men, consequently women had no the right to be recognized as a citizens. (Navas, Candelaria 2007). This action and some other implemented at the first half of twenty century represent individual efforts which had not the support of a collective group. Therefore, it is not possible recognized a women social movement in this period but its foundation.

            During the first half of twenty century Salvadorian women organizations did not implemented forms of political contention such as coups, electoral campaigns, strikes, revolutions, and interest-group politics, that according to Tilly are elements that a social movement share (Tilly, C: 2004). Whether there was not a unified collective group with combined claims, and practice of political contention's forms the Salvadorian women movement was not shaped in this period.

            Sidney Tarrow defines the social movement as a collective challenger by people with common purposes and solidarity in sustained interactions with elites, opponents and authorities (Tarrow, 1994)   Since 1950 its possible identified that the women movement began to profile it works as a social movement. In which identified themselves as  challenger again  the patriarchal system and subordination role of women in the society, and generating political actions such as creation of special purpose associations, public meetings, demonstrations, petition drives, statements to and in public media, collective claims (Tilly C, 2004).

                        V. Chronological proposal 

            Based in the assumption of time plurality of Zemelman and taking the armed conflict in the 80's as the central social fact in the second half of the twenty century, this paper present a historical time treatment based in three historical periods of the Salvadorian women's movement. Before, during, and after the armed conflict in El Salvador.

            Large period 1950- 1975. Before the Armed Conflict

            The first period recognize the rising of some important documented women organizations along the second half of the twenty century, while El Salvador lived a repressive military government. Paul Almeida states that El Salvador lived since 1930 until 1980 the longest enduring military government in the Americas. (Almeida Paul, 2006). However, in this period of repressive government Salvadorian women movement consolidated their participation in the Salvadorian society.

            Although military governments produce authoritarian and repressive politics that restrict the potential of social movement, but also create a favorable conditions for founding secondary associations such as unions, cooperatives, nongovernment organizations (Almeida Paul, 2006).

            Some conditions of the Almeida Theory are reflected from 1950 to 1980 during a repressive military government which allow the conformation of secondary associations such as the Salvadorian Women Fellowship (Fraternidad de Mujeres Salvadorenas) founded in 1956 which was the first women organization linked with communist ideology because their founders were influenced by the Salvadorian Communist Party; Commite de Mujeres de la Union (Union Women's Committee) 1960; Comite Provisional de Mujeres (Provisional Women's Committee) 1970); and Associacion de Mujeres Progresistas (Progressive Women's Association) 1975. Moreover, the participation of women professors at the 70's on the strikes of ANDES 21 de Junio in which emerged the figure of the guerrilla leader Melida Anaya Montes. (Herrera, Morena 2010 & Navas, Candelaria 2007). These organizations adapt some traits of social movement like special purpose associations and coalitions, public meetings, petition drives, statements in public media, and participants' concerted public representations.

            The goal of the women social movement in this period was focus in women's politics rights. In a interview Berta Deras founder of the Fraternidad de Mujeres Salvadorenas (Salvadoran Women Fellowship) she claim "we participated in elections, we went out to put up posters, our work was politic as well, and while there was no election time we also were participating."  According to her experience politic actions were implemented by women organizations in this period. Therefore, in this decade we can distinguish how the women movement settle in political and social actions become to a social movement.

            The process of the women social movement had have a crack during the 70's due to the effervescence struggle against the military government. Along this decade disappeared many women organizations such as Salvadorian Women Fraternity. Therefore, the women movement loses strength  and the entire social movement  focus its attention at the mobilization of the guerrilla, and the beginning of the revolutionary struggle.

            Middle period 1976-1992. During the armed conflict

            The second period laying in an armed conflict from 1980 to 1992.  Through those years the military forced battled against the guerrilla, leaving as a result around seventy thousands deaths. Salvadorian guerrilla well known as FMLN (Frente Farabundo Marti Para la Liberacion Nacional) was created on October 10, 1980 as a coordinating body of five political-guerrilla organizations.

            Thirty percent of the guerrillas fighters were women (Navas, 2007.) who played roles as combatants, radio operators, nurses and cooks during the conflict. FMLN snipers were often women, and many urban commandoes were led by women, who were less likely to arouse suspicion and were more easily disguised than men were. (Kampwirth Karen, 2004) Women participation in the conflict armed made stronger the guerrilla. In this period, the Salvadorian social movement headed his strengths to support the guerrilla struggle, and different women organizations  were not an exception.

            As long as the armed conflict increased, the strength of the women movement decreased due to the social movement had focused in the armed conflict, and the political repression's environment that restricted the possibility of organizations of women. Nonetheless, at the lately 80's and the early 90's  emerged some women organizations which had identified themselves as feminist, such as Salvadorian Movement of women,1988 (Movimiento Salvadoreno de Mujeres,) Institute of Women Studies, 1992 (Instituto de Estudios de la Mujer CEMUJER); Women association for dignity and life, 1990 (Asociacion de Mujeres por la Dignidad y la Vida); Women Salvadorian Organization for the Peace, 1983 (Organizacion de Mujeres Salvadorenas por la Paz); The Mélida Anaya Monte's Women Association-Las Mélidas, 1992 (Asociacion Melida Anaya Montez); Researched, Capacitate, and Developed Institute for woman, 1987 (Instituto de Investigacion, Capacitacion, y desarrollo de la mujer). These organizations represent the foundation of the new feminist movement with a revolutionary heritage. However, the work of these and other organizations about women issues during the 80's do not was quite strong as ten years ago and even the women social movement was still active it was weak and spread. Thus, through this period it was not fit into the traits of a social movement.         

            Small period. 1992- 2012. After Armed Conflict

            The third period of women movement is located in the 90's. The conflict armed left a legacy of guerrilla’s women who become part of a new generation of feminists, settling in the world of non government organizations.

            The demobilization of the guerrilla left as a result a considerable group of empower women who decided switch their strategies and goals toward the feminist though, generating as a result a new feminist generation. Since less than thirty years ago some Salvadorian women's organizations recognize themselves as feminist meanwhile others reject this tag.  This paper recognizes the differences between women and feminist movement in the fact that feminist organizations emerged years after the consolidation of a women movement in El Salvador.

            In this period the majority of organizations unified their speech adopting the flag of feminism which  recognized the imbalance of power between sexes with women in a subordinate role to men (Hannam June, 2012). Therefore old women movement switch to a feminist movement with revolutionary legacy.

            According with the Salvadorian feminist Platform some objectives of the currently women movement and feminist movement include integral women health, increase political participation in making decisions, economic rights, women body autonomy and no violence against women. Some organizations of the feminist movement coordinate their work to run their activities in coalitions or coordination. For instance the agency coordination of women COM (Coordinacion de Organismos de Mujeres) created in 1899 which was integrated initially by Association for Women's Self-Determination AMS, Association for the Development of Salvadoran Women ADEMUSA, Salvadorian Movement of Women MSM, National Women Coordinator CONAMUS, Female Committee of FENASTRAS COFENASTRAS and Organization of Salvadoran Women for Peace ORMUSA (Kampwirth Karen, 2004) During the 90's Several of these organizations were categorized themselves as a feminists. In particular, the National Women Coordinator CONAMUS was the first women organization which use use the word feminist to describe its work (Kampwirth Karen, 2004)

            During the civil world there was a unified purpose of the social movement within the ideology of guerrilla struggle, but after the peace accords there was a diversification of the social movement.   The aims of the feminist movement change to a new struggle process settled in the world of the Nonprofit Organizations, which use different strategies to reach their own mission and develop their own strategic plan; looking for lead the process and get more financial support to run their projects.

            After 1992 the goals and strategies of the women movement were settled in the  nonprofit sector which it does not implied necessarily a structural change. The scope of the NGO's is restricted in the fact that they hold up the currently social and economic system beyond of create structural change, but the feminist movement has liberal thought which demand the accomplish of fundamental rights, political participation, sexual and reproductive rights, freedom, legal protection and equality. Women movement changed its work dynamic involved in revolutionary struggle to another social dynamic which implied utopias but  not real structural changes.

VI. Conclusion

            The first half of twenty century El Salvador reveal absence of the women social movement. Instead present some individuals actions, and few organizations without a collective claims.          

            In the second half of twenty century is develop a women movement braked in the 70's and recuperated  in the 90's with a new struggle perspective. There is a turn downhill throughout the process of Salvadorian women  movement because the focus of the struggle fell into the armed conflict during the 80's.

            After The Farabundo Marti Front for the National Liberation (FMLN) demobilized the guerrilla as part of a negotiated settlement in 1992 some empower women decided to continue her labor in the feminist movement through the nonprofit world, taking advantage of all the international cooperation that received the country to its reconstruction after the conflict armed. However, its important  recognized that the nonprofit sector fades the struggle of the social movement in the fact that it becomes the struggle in a feeble process which not challenge against structural changes.

            Settled in the nonprofit sector the feminist movement has a unified general target, collective challenger, and common purposes but fragmented process that ultimately not represent structural changes.

VII. References

            Zemelman Hugo (1998). Sujeto: existencia y potencia. UNAM. Barcelona  

            Tilly, C. (2004). Social Movements: 1768–2004. Boulder, Colorado, USA: Paradigm Publishers.

            Tarrow Sidney. (1994) "Power in Movement: Collective Action, Social Movements and Politics."

            Touraine, Alain. (1981). The voice and the eye: An analysis of social movements.

            Hannam June (2012) Feminism. Great Britain.

            Herrera, Morena. ( 2010) “Democracia en Centroamérica: Más Mujeres en el Poder, Más Hombres Asumiendo las Tareas Domésticas” Alianza feminista centroamericana para la transformación de la cultura política patriarca. San Salvador. El Salvador

            Plataforma Feminista. 2009-2014 Las demandas de las mujeres. San Salvador(2012). Concertación Feminista Prudencia Ayala. San Salvador.

            Navas C. María (2007) Breve Recorrido Histórico de la Participación de las mujeres en El Salvador. Alternativas para El Desarrollo FUNDE. San Salvador.

Roman Azahalea (2007) Movimiento Social y Estado. Alternativas para El Desarrollo FUNDE. San Salvador.

            Almeida D Paul. (2008) Waves of Protest: Popular Struggle in El Salvador: 1925-2005. University of Minnesota. Minneapolis United State.

            Kampwirth Karen. (2004) Feminism and the legacy of revolution: Nicaragua, El Salvador, Chiapas. Ohio University. United State

            Ramirios Michelle Fraternidad de Mujeres Salvadoreñas, un legado para la historia… VOCES. Marzo 08 2013. http://voces.org.sv/2013/03/08/fraternidad-de-mujeres-salvadorenas-un-legado-para-la-historia